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Cecil Rhodes: Cecil Rhodes was an Oxford graduate that relocated to South Africa in 1871. He monopolized the diamond mining in South Africa, and by 1889, at only the age of 35, he controlled approximately 90 percent of all South African Diamond Production. Chapter 33: The Building of Global Empires. AP World History: Kimberly Zerbst. Today is British tea day: begin by serving each student earl grey tea and scones and discussing where the ingredients came from to make that event happen.
Politics in Command I'd like to begin with a simple quotation, from a proclamation issued to the people of Baghdad: 'Our armies do not come into your cities and lands as conquerors, but as liberators'. These words were spoken eighty-nine years ago by the British commander Lieutenant General Stanley Maude on the occasion of the military occupation of Baghdad in March 1917. They were mirrored almost exactly by the speech addressed to British troops on the eve of the current invasion three years ago by Lieutenant Colonel Tim Collins, who said: 'We go to liberate, not to conquer'. Of course, the mirroring of these two stories doesn't end there. Within three years of General Maude's proclamation, 10,000 had died in an Iraqi uprising against the British rulers, who gassed and bombed the insurgents. It was likewise entirely predictable in our own time that a new military occupation of Iraq would face determined guerrilla resistance long after Saddam Hussein had gone. Incidentally, in 2003 the British military headquarters in Baghdad's Green Zone was named 'Maude House'.
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'History' is important not just because it casts the current geopolitical catastrophe of the Middle East and Central Asia into a necessary longer context of colonialism, military pacification, improvised state formation, and nationalist insurgency – 'history' is important not just because of those necessary reminders, but also because the architects of current US and British policies in the region constantly call on history in explanation of their decision to invade. I'm thinking here not so much of the debased rhetorical comparisons of Saddam Hussein with Hitler and of his dictatorship with that of the Third Reich, or of the associated loose analogies with the processes of economic and political reconstruction in Europe after the Second World War. I'd like to focus instead on the larger historical rationales that are now moving the two principal and partially competing visions of a 'new world order' that underpin the current US and British presence in the Middle East. The first of these is the more 'liberal' version espoused by the British government under Tony Blair, which has drawn a wider chorus of voices in its support, from mavericks like Christopher Hitchens to human-rights commentators like Michael Ignatieff and a wider equivocating and ambivalent network of public intellectuals who accepted the liberal rationale [End Page 154] for a policy of regime change but couldn't quite bring themselves to line up behind the Bush administration.